In
recent years, the politics of Catalonia, a region in Spain, has experienced a
rise in a political alliance among the regional parties that seek independence.
A number of factors have led to this development, with most of them taking
place at the national level of Spain. The first of these was the economic
crisis of 2008[1],
which was a blow to the economy of Spain, and from which it is in the process
of recovering. Also, there was the rise of numerous corruption cases of top
government official at both the regional and national levels of government, as
well as a failure to achieve a bipartisan agreement that would have reformed
the statute of autonomy in 2006.[2]
It is also essential to consider that the Spanish constitution of 1978 had a
federalist design that was unsatisfactory to the political elite of Catalonia.
A consequence of this situation, as well as the rise of Catalonian nationalism,
has been that it has brought about louder calls for independence. In this
paper, there will be an analysis of the attempts by the Catalonian government
to secede from Spain, and to show that despite some legitimate issues that it
has raised, Catalonia does not have the right to secede.
A
unified Spain, rather than a divided one, is a critical part of the security,
both political and economic, of not only the EU, but also the whole world. The
secessionist movement in Catalonia is one that has essentially sought to ensure
that there is a split from Spain in order to form its own nation. This is a
region that has had a long history of autonomy within the kingdom of Aragon.
Furthermore, despite their claims of difference, Catalans speak a language that
is quite similar to Spanish.[3]
The emphasis on differences can be considered fraudulent on the part of the
political class in Catalonia that has essentially come to the realization that
it is likely to gain more power within an independent state rather than as a
part of Spain. The exercise of the right to secede is one that should be
conducted under circumstances where it is a part of the highest moral
principles, in such a way that other parties are not to interfere with the
process.[4]
This is an extremely important factor because it shows that the Catalonian independence
bid is one that is technically at odds with the morality of secession. Spain is
an interested party to the process, and Catalonia cannot secede without Spain’s
permission because to do so would essentially lead to a process of taking away
a part of the latter country.
The
Spanish Constitution of 1978 is one that was ratified by a majority of
Catalonians. This constitution allowed for the achievement of considerable
autonomy for the region. Furthermore, the Spanish Constitution, which the
Catalans ratified, does not agree to any form of secession, because to do so
would lead to the disruption of national integrity.[5]
However, despite this being the case, it is noteworthy to consider that the
Spanish government has not often made it easy for Catalans to feel like an
integral part of the country. This is unlike in Canada, where despite the
French Canadians being a minority, there have been a number of prime ministers
from this community, which has made them feel like an integral part of Canada.
The same cannot be said of Spain, where there has been no Catalan prime
minister; a situation that has exacerbated some members of the community and
intensified calls for self-determination through secession. Perhaps if the
Catalans had been provided with a greater say in national affairs, there would
have been fewer calls for independence. It is also necessary to consider that
there have also been fights between the national government and the regional
Catalonian one over such issues as language instruction, spending, and taxes,
among others, which have further made the problem worse.
It
is essential to consider that the Catalan independence movement is based on the
ethnic identity of people of Catalan origins. A consequence has been that this
movement has been accused of being one that promotes elitism in Catalonia,
where there is little consideration for Spanish speaking peoples living in the
region. The independence movement is one that essentially only considers the
rights of ethnic Catalans above those of all others living in the region.
Because of this, the movement is illegitimate because the Catalan government
has been given not only autonomy, but also considerable control over its own
internal affairs, such as in taxation. The Catalan politicians cannot say that
they are escaping discriminatory distribution of resources[6],
because Catalonia is one of the most economically stable regions within Spain.
However, despite this being the case, there are still calls for independence,
which shows that there are ulterior motives within the political class. There
is likely a bid to ensure that they gain more power than is the case as part of
Spain, in such a way that rather than representing the people of Catalonia as a
whole, they are seeking to bring about a split from Spain that will ensure
their political dominance based on an ethnic Catalan majority.
The
secession of Catalonia from Spain has the potential of causing numerous
disruptions. This is especially the case considering that Catalonia as a state
would end up having a very difficult time joining the European Union because
Spain, as a member state, has the power to veto this move. The same would be
the case with the use of the Euro, which would make many of the multinationals
doing business in Catalonia to relocate to other parts of Spain, where
conditions are more favorable. It is therefore essential to view the harsh
response that the secessionist movement has received from Spain from the
perspective of the latter seeking to protect the legitimate expectations of
most of its citizens.[7]
The secession of a region could as well be opening a Pandora’s box, which would
result in a situation where other regions of Spain would also demand
independence. Furthermore, there is the potential that it would have a domino
effect in other parts of Europe, such as the independence movements in
Scotland, and in Scania, Sweden, where there are also calls, albeit quieter,
for independence. Therefore, it is unlikely that Spain will allow for the
independence of Catalonia anytime soon because to do so has the potential of
bringing an end to its unity as a nation.
In
conclusion, the Catalan secession bid has the potential of ending up leading to
the generation of animosity towards regional autonomies in the Spanish public.
In the discussion above, there has been an analysis of the attempts by the
Catalonian government to secede from Spain, and this has ended up showing that despite
some legitimate issues that it has raised, Catalonia does not have the right to
secede. Secession is a problem that has to be dealt with quite carefully by the
Catalan political class because it involves a situation where there are
numerous potential problems that might arise because of it. Even if the bid is
successful, it is essential to consider that the new nation will have many
difficulties, including in joining such critical institutions as the EU and
NATO, which it currently is a part of, and are presently taken for granted.
Spain’s harsh response to this crisis can be considered to be a means of making
sure that there is the promotion of its legitimate interests while upholding
the expectations of all the people of Spain.
[1] Kathryn Crameri, "Political Power and Civil Counterpower: The Complex
Dynamics of the Catalan Independence Movement," Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 21, no. 1 (2015): 104.
[2] Robert Liñeira and Daniel Cetrà, "The Independence Case in
Comparative Perspective," The
Political Quarterly 86, no. 2 (2015): 263.
[3] Liesl Drew, "'I'm from Barcelona': Boundaries and Transformations
between Catalan and Spanish Identities," (Uppsala University, 2017), 22.
[4] Allen Buchanan, Secession: The
Morality of Political Divorce from Fort Sumter to Lithuania and Quebec
(Boulder, CO, San Francisco, CA, Oxford: Westview Press, 1991), 27.
[5] Carmen Gonzalez, "The Catalan National Identity and Catalonia's Bid
for Independence," Conn. J. Int'l L.
32 (2016): 115.
[6] Buchanan, 38.
[7] Ibid., 87.
