Economic Policies and How they Work

 

In most developing countries, there are three main models of economic growth that have been implemented in varying levels. Among these are import-substitution industrialization (ISI), structural adjustment programs (SAPs), and the developmental state. These economic policies differ in a diverse number of ways, and this is especially in the manner through which they are implemented. ISI involves countries seeking to ensure that there is the imposition of import restrictions in order to bring about the promotion and protection of domestic industries. This economic policy aims at making sure that there is the establishment of measures aimed at advancing domestic consumption of locally made goods and services. SAPs, on the other hand, essentially promote a liberal economic policy in which governments are not directly involved in any economic activities and the economy is left in the hands of the free market (Orvis and Drogus 532). The free market ensures that only the strongest and most viable industries are able to survive while the weaker ones, because of the competition from international businesses, are forced towards improving their performance to ensure their survival. The developmental state is a situation where the government makes a direct intervention in those industries that it considers critical to the economy. It ensures that these industries are protected to further their growth, but take the necessary steps to remove the protective measures as soon as possible.

The developmental state has been the most successful economic model because it involves government support for industries until such a time that they are ready to stand on their own feet. This model is fundamentally important because it ensures that the economy has the necessary freedoms it needs to compete with others while at the same time allowing individuals to undertake their business activities without government interference. The implementation of this policy has especially been successful in Japan and South Korea, both of which rose from the economic devastation of the Second World War to become among the greatest success stories of the twentieth century. Both of these countries, especially the latter adopted export oriented policies, which sought to encourage the growth of local industries that were able to produce high demand goods that could be exported to other countries. A consequence is that the countries that have adopted the developmental state model have been successful in the achievement of rapid economic growth to such an extent that it has become possible for them to achieve the status of developed states. Thus, while South Korea and Ghana were essentially at the same economic level in the 1960s, the former has been able to achieve a per capita gross domestic income of $22,670 in comparison to the latter’s $1550 today (Orvis and Drogus 536). This achievement by South Korea shows the considerable success that can be brought about by the developmental state model as well as the need to balance between government intervention and the free market. Without the interventions undertaken in the developmental state model, the system becomes highly unstable to such an extent that critical sectors become subservient to international competition.

In most cases, regime type often has a lot to do with economic outcomes. This is especially the case when it comes to the manner through which the regime makes decisions concerning how the economy should be managed. In stable democracies, for example, there are often greater economic freedoms to such an extent that they end up in a situation where markets are freer and different sectors are forced to improve themselves in order to remain competitive. Authoritarian regimes, on the other hand, tend to have a tighter grip on the economy to such an extent that it is the state, rather than private businesses, that are major players in the economy (Orvis and Drogus 432). This situation can be considered to be the reason behind such a country as North Korea is having considerable economic problems that are essentially unsustainable. The communist regime within this country, because of lack of competition for the domestic industry, has essentially made its economy quite weak because there are hardly ever any improvements in the locally produced products.

In conclusion, the North Korean economic situation can be contrasted with that of Japan, which has achieved considerable growth over the years because it has adopted a developmental state model where the government only intervenes when the sector involved is critical to the economy and lets it go as soon as it achieves a level of stability. Japan is a democratic state with all the freedoms that come with it; ensuring that its people in the private sector, rather than the government, are the main drivers of the economy.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Work Cited

Orvis, Stephen, and Carol Ann Drogus. Introducing Comparative Politics: Concepts and Cases in Context. CQ Press, 2013. Print.

 

Mfecane: The wars that shaped Southern and Eastern Africa

Mfecane refers to the numerous wars that were started by the Ndwandwe king Zwide and spread to the rest of the African societies in Southern Africa at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Therefore, the statement that the mfecane was largely a Zulu affair is not true considering that their activities were mainly concentrated in the Natal area while the Mfecane itself occurred in a far wider range than that. Furthermore, most evidence points to the fact that the Zulu only got involved in the mfecane when it was at its climax. The mfecane began in the later part of the eighteenth century when the process of nation building among the Nguni of the northern Natal region began. The larger political units that came from this development were partly due to the competition for the control over the lucrative trade in ivory with the Portuguese based in the Delagoa Bay. 

Moreover, the population pressure among the Northern Nguni people led to the increased competition for resources because the effect of white pressure on the frontier of the Cape colony had, by the end of the eighteenth century, made expansion in a westerly direction impossible. In the years around 1803, there was a long and severe drought which sparked the unprecedented competition between the emerging states for control over good pastureland and other essential resources. The conflict between three main groups of the northern Nguni namely the Ndwandwe, the Ngwane, and the Mthethwa brought about the mfecane, the first of which was between the Ndwandwe of Zwide and the Ngwane of Sobhuza , the latter who after being defeated, moved further north where the Swazi nation was to be eventually established. Contrary to the popular opinion among the proponents of the old paradigm concerning the mfecane, it was the Ndwandwe rather than the Zulu who initiated the climax of the mfecane by attacking the Ngwane of Matiwane. When the Matiwane and his Ngwane were driven from their home by the Ndwandwe, they began a career of conquest and terror against the communities they encountered. They surprised and defeated the Hlubi, killing their chief Mpangazitha, defeated the Tlokwa, and forced Moshoeshoe of the Sotho to pay tribute to them.

It should be noted that the first known recorded history of the mfecane was written, not by the Africans themselves, but by Afrikaans and English speaking writers. Most of these histories were written with the idea of European superiority in mind hence the portrayal of Africans as savages. The Zulu serve as an example of this mindset with their portrayal as the originators of the mfecane despite overwhelming evidence on the contrary. One would agree with Julian Cobbing’s argument that the role played by the Zulu in the events known as the mfecane were minimal at best and that the emergence of the Zulu kingdom was a result rather than a cause of this period of upheavals. The Zulu kingdom was one of the defensive states such as the Sotho, the Swazi, and the Pedi kingdoms that emerged due to the mfecane. The so called acts of aggression by the Zulu against other groups were merely measures of defence; attacks to defend themselves against future aggression. If the states surrounding the Zulu had been allowed to become too powerful, then the nation would have been destroyed.

Although the Zulu were not responsible for the mfecane, their military innovations like the use of the short broad bladed stabbing spear which allowed them to close in on their enemies instead of standing off from them, as well as their discarding of their ox hide sandals in battle, gave them superior speed making the mfecane wars even more devastating. The rise of the Zulu came at a time when large states were necessary to protect people from enemy attack. An example of these is the Mthethwa who, after their defeat by the Ndwandwe, turned to the only person in the region who had the ability to defend them against their enemies, and this was Shaka. It was this choice which brought about the ascendancy of the once insignificant Zulu. The Zulu, therefore, did not contribute to the chaos surrounding them but instead brought order in the Natal region with the creation of their state, the forceful absorption of weaker groups, as well as the destruction of the more aggressive ones like the Ndwandwe state.