The Story of Galvarino

 An indigenous man of the Mapuche people stands in the bosom of nature. He is a warrior. At sixty-seven, his body has had a lifetime’s worth of tempering, toughened to a degree that most warriors never live to reach. Every steely muscle fibre whispers a litany of hard-won victories grasped treading through bloodstained greenery, to stare into the face of brutality. He closes his eyes and feels the mild southern Chilean breeze caressing his cheeks and sifting through his long, black hair. The time for him take up arms draws near once again, and the mere thought of dancing with death makes his heart beat quicker and blood run hot. He opens his eyes and holds his hands out in front, forming them into fists and clenching tightly in an effort to contain his excitement.

What he doesn’t yet know though, is that he’ll return without them.

This warrior, Galvarino, has already cemented his fame as a key figure in the ongoing war against the invading Spaniards. A cocktail of fortune and finesse had allowed him to evade the reaper’s scythe altogether until now, when in the following Battle of Lagunillas, it would finally manage to nick him. Along with a hundred and fifty other Mapuche warriors, he would end up captured and imprisoned, his side defeated in ferocious hand-to-hand combat despite having vastly greater numbers. Instead of just killing the captured Mapuche though, the Spanish decided to make an example of them by chopping their hands and noses off, before sending them back home.

Galvarino, with a mind even more robust than his body, offered up his hands and watched the axe fall without flinching.

Escaping with his nose intact, Galvarino wasn’t dejected nor retiring; he appeared before general Caupolicán and the council of war with moxie, showing the mutilations and demanding that they put greater effort into the fighting the colonists. Inspired by his bravery, they decided to make him commander of his own squadron and so, Galvarino prepared to fight once again.

Undeterred by his injuries, he fastened two knives to his arms and stepped to the front of his men, and said:

"Ea, my brothers, see that you all fight very well, you do not want be as I am without hands, so that you will not be able to work nor to eat, if you do not give it to them!" He raised his arms high, showing them to ignite their spirits, adding: "Those that you are going to fight with cut them, and also will do to whichever of you they take, and nobody is allowed to flee but to die, because you die defending your mother country!"

The vicious battle that ensued would become known as the Battle of Millarapue, lasting from dawn through to the the early afternoon. Galvarino drove himself into the general’s squadron and clashed with the forty-five years younger general himself, whilst also killing his second-in-command. It wasn’t enough though, as the Spanish once again managed to conquer them. Knowing not to repeat his mistake of letting a warrior like Galvarino go free again, the general ordered his execution.

Not before an offer was presented to him though — switch sides and join the Spanish. After all, his prowess would have been valuable to them. Loyal and defiant to the last though, he didn’t even consider it and gave his cutting refusal: “I would rather die than live like you, and I’m only sorry that my death will keep me from tearing you to pieces with my teeth.”

Central African Republic Crisis and its Future Development

 

Introduction

Africa is a continent that has been plagued by significant conflicts, and this is especially the case in the central parts, where there seems to have been endless conflict since gaining independence from various colonial powers. Most central African countries have encountered conflicts, in one form or the other, based on religion, politics, or ethnicity, which have devastated the region to such an extent that some states have either failed, or are in the process of recovering after very long internal conflicts. However, internal conflicts have not abated on the continent and there have been incidents where civil wars have ended up getting out of hand to such an extent that it has essentially led to humanitarian crises. A result has been that despite the considerable efforts made by the international community, conflicts have not been able to be brought to an end because major political actors have ended up not being able to ensure that they gain control of the situation and come to solutions to the conflicts in their home countries. The conflicts that have taken place in some African countries such as the Central African Republic and South Sudan has led to considerable internal displacement and famine which have plagued the majority of their populations. In addition, the atrocities committed by rival armed groups in such countries have had a negative effect on the lives of their people because it is civilians who have borne the brunt of the conflict. Such circumstances have become common in conflict areas to such an extent that it has become essential to make a study of the situation to find out their roots and determine solutions. This is especially the case considering that the humanitarian crisis in some of these countries have also come to affect their neighbors.

The main focus of this paper is the crisis in the Central African Republic (CAR) and its development in the future. It is a relevant study because it will involve an analysis of a diversity of events that have taken place in the country that not only triggered the conflict, but also led to a situation where there was considerable exacerbation of the conflict to such an extent that it has gotten out of control. There will also be an attempt to ensure that there is the development of an understanding of the CAR conflict in such a way that promotes the advancement of knowledge concerning its potential course and the manner through which it is likely to be resolved. This study is important because it tackles one of the most ignored conflicts on the African continent, especially by the international community, which has instead focused more on such countries as Syria and Yemen, which despite their own conflicts, have not been able to get to the same point as that taking place in the CAR. The study will seek to point out the deficiencies in the manner through which the crisis has been handled and the lack of any tangible efforts by the most powerful countries in the world to ensure that it is brought to a swift end either through sponsoring negotiations by all sides of the conflict or even undertaking military action to ensure that they are forced onto the negotiating table. This study is also important for the broader community because it allows for an analysis of the genesis of conflicts and the manner through which they might end up getting out of control if they are not handled properly and brought to an end as swiftly as possible. It will enable the target audience to have an understanding of the causes of conflict and apply the lessons learned from the one taking place in the CAR as reference of how to make sure that such conflicts do not come up again in the contemporary world.

The specific scope of the study will be to conduct research on the CAR conflict from its beginnings in order to be able to determine its future course as well as come up with recommendations for its end. This is an important study because it will ensure that there is the advancement of knowledge concerning the conflict while at the same time allowing for an understanding of the reasons behind its taking place and how it can be resolved. It will help in creating a means through which similar studies in future can base their efforts in such a way that enhances the scope of the study and brings about new knowledge. The CAR conflict is one of the most unique on the African continent because it has taken on several twists that have forced individuals who lived side by side in peace for decades to end up in a situation where they not only hate one another, and have become bitter rivals, but that have also ended up not seeing any potential for reconciliation between them. A consequence of this situation has been that there has been a considerable increase in the levels of ethnic and religious cleansings in the country and this is to such an extent that there has developed a risk of the country descending into further chaos that will essentially lead it to becoming a failed state with little chance of becoming viable unless a partition is concluded. The CAR conflict is therefore important in the study because it is one that has essentially become so involved and has so many rival interests that the parties within it do not seem to have the focus necessary to ensure that they develop a viable vision for the future of their country.

Literature Review

The main reason for the development of the conflict in the CAR was the dissatisfaction expressed by the members of some communities in the country concerning their marginalization by the government. This was especially the case considering that there were a number of communities which felt that since the CAR gained independence, they had essentially been provided with little opportunity to advance in society. Instead, they were not only marginalized, but they were also forced to live under the dominance of other communities. In addition, the involvement of Chad in the internal affairs of the CAR, especially in the interest of propping up its unpopular leaders, was viewed negatively by the population and this was to such an extent that it led to the formation of rebel groups whose major aim was to topple the existing political order. The following literature review will seek to trace the course of the CAR conflict from the time it began in earnest in 2012.

Formation of the Seleka

One of the most significant factors to take place in the CAR conflict was the creation of the Seleka coalition, which was essentially an alliance of mainly Muslim rebel groups. These groups sought to ensure that there was the advancement of the cause of the Muslim community in the country because they felt that they had been marginalized for a long time. In addition, the Seleka sought to ensure that there was the creation of a voice for the Muslim population in the country in such a way that promoted their interests while at the same time provided them with a means of attaining power (Marchal, 2015). The Seleka coalition was formed mainly to counter the CAR government, under President Francois Bozize, which had made a concerted effort to ensure that there was the swift destruction of those rebel groups that were still opposed to his rule. Furthermore, Bozize relied heavily on Chadian intervention to ensure that he hang on to power; a situation that did not go down well with those rebel groups that felt that a foreign country was interfering in CAR’s domestic affairs (Van Wyk, 2013). The rapid successes of the Seleka forces on the field against government forces ensured that they gained considerable support from the population, especially among Muslims, and this created a situation where they were able to move swiftly towards the capital, Bangui. The swift movement of the Seleka forces seems to have caught the government by surprise and this was to such an extent that it lost the support of part of the population, which cited government failure to stop the rebel advance (Hamilton, 2013). Protests in Bangui were targeted at the French embassy, because the population felt that France, CAR’s former colonizer, had failed to prevent the rebels from advancing on the capital. However, France stated its commitment to be based solely on protecting French citizens in the country rather than getting involved in its domestic affairs (Iltis, 2014).

Bozize Government Appeals

The rapid rebel advance towards the capital created considerable unrest in some parts of the country because of the belief that the government was not doing enough to handle the situation. This was especially considering that government forces had suffered numerous defeats at the hands of the Seleka coalition and had in the process lost critical supplies such as weapons, which had fallen into rebel hands (Kisangani, 2015). In order to ensure that there was a halt to the rebel advances; Francois Bozize made appeals to the international community, especially the United States and France. He requested that these countries send in their forces in order to prevent the Seleka forces from reaching the capital and essentially halt their advance (Welz, 2014). However, these appeals were not well received within the international community because rather than offering to help, France and the United States stated that they were only committed to protecting their citizens in the CAR. In addition, both of these countries declared that they would be working towards the evacuation of their citizens and other nationals from the CAR, essentially ignoring government appeals for help in the resolution of the crisis (Smith, 2015). It is likely that both France and the United States failed to consider the seriousness of the situation because if they had, they might have acted in such a way that prevented the bloodshed and strife that has essentially made the CAR become a failed state. The ethical situation that these countries faced was a choice of whether or not to intervene, with both ending up in a situation where they felt that to do so may have been too costly for them. Therefore, the CAR crisis, despite the presence of regional peacekeeping forces, descended into chaos because the local actors could not come to terms concerning their vision for their country.

Peace Talks

Attempts at bringing an end to the conflict in the CAR through peace talks were made. Both sides of the conflict were forced to the process because of the presence of peacekeeping forces under the auspices of the African Union. These peacekeeping forces sought to ensure that there were no further rebel advances while at the same time promoting the peaceful resolution to the conflict (Boré, 2014). However, despite talks taking place between the government and the rebels of the Seleka coalition, there seems to have been no tangible efforts made to ensure that there was the resolution of the core problems that had led to the conflict in the first place. The Bozize government promoted the idea of the formation of a national unity government whose aim was to ensure a swift end to the conflict, while the Seleka coalition sought to have Bozize removed from power. The root causes of the problems that plagued the CAR were not addressed satisfactorily because despite the talks taking place, they did not prevent the violence and crackdowns that were promoted by the government and rebels alike (Ernhede, 2016). One of the most significant issues of contention during this period was that the government of Bozize often arrested those individuals who were believed to be from ethnic groups that supported the Seleka coalition (Kah, 2013). The arrests and disappearances of these individuals created a situation where there were concerns about the viability of peace talks. It created a situation where the Seleka rebels found it difficult to participate, and they made it one of their conditions for talks to take place that the government ceases arresting members of those communities that supported them. Members of the Seleka coalition were in turn accused of not respecting press freedom, especially with a number of journalist deaths being attributed to executions (Chama, 2017).

Seleka Takeover and Conflict with AntiBalaka

One of the most significant events to have taken place in the CAR conflict was the failure of the peace talks to bring about any tangible results. A consequence was that the Seleka undertook to take advantage of their better position on the battlefield to press their move towards Bangui. The overthrow of the Bozize government and the takeover of the country by the Seleka leader Michel Djotodia ensured that there was the presence of a Muslim-dominated government over the country (De Vries & Glawion, 2015). This situation, however, failed to consider the fact that a considerable number of Christians felt that they had essentially been disenfranchised. This was to such an extent that there was the formation of mainly Christian militia, named the AntiBalaka, who sought to ensure an end to Muslim rule over their country. There was considerable fighting between the Seleka and the AntiBalaka to such an extent that both sides were accused of committing atrocities towards what were perceived to be their rival religious communities (Kane, 2014). That these conflicts were taking place in a country that had essentially been a bastion of religious tolerance for centuries shows that the conflict had taken a turn for the worse. Rather than seeking to solve the problems of their country together, the people of the CAR had chosen to advance religious agendas that were unconstructive to the process. The Seleka and AntiBalaka militias became means through which the religious and ethnic agendas between the various communities in the CAR became manifest. The overthrow of the Seleka government and the disbandment of the Seleka militias essentially led to the creation of rival ex-Seleka forces that fought one another based on ethnic grounds (Ulfelder, 2014). The failure of a united front among the Muslims of the country seems to have worsened the humanitarian situation for the Muslim community because the AntiBalaka militia has taken advantage of the fact to undertake religious cleansing that has seen thousands of Muslim dead, with the worst atrocities taking place in the capital Bangui.

Religious Violence and Cleansing

Among the most significant arguments that have been made concerning the disarmament process in the CAR is that it was not conducted proportionally. This is because the main focus of the disarmament effort seems to have been made almost exclusively on the Seleka, and this ensured that the AntiBalaka had the upper hand in the conflict. The result was that because the AntiBalaka had the upper hand, they took advantage of the situation to ensure that they undertook to drive Muslims from some of their communities and neighborhoods (Carayannis & Fowlis, 2017). The religious cleansing of some neighborhoods and communities of Muslims ensured that the latter were essentially internally displaced in their own countries. This situation took place despite the fact that many of these individuals had lived together with their Christian neighbors for decades. The religious violence committed by the AntiBalaka has been compared to the atrocities committed in Bosnia, because people were forced into situations where they moved into religiously cleansed neighborhoods, so that Christians and Muslims lived within their own communities rather than together (Ewane, 2014). Massacres were reported to have been committed by the AntiBalaka on the Muslim civilian population to such an extent that many of the latter were forced to flee the country in order to attain safety (Jenks, 2015). There were also reports of Muslims being cannibalized; a situation that shows the animosity that had grown towards the Muslim population of the CAR (Käihkö & Utas, 2014). The religious cleansing can also be considered to have been a manifestation of the historical antagonism that has been prevalent between nomadic pastoralists, represented by the Seleka, and agriculturalists, represented by the AntiBalaka. The attacks against one another seems to have led to a situation where reconciliation has become extremely difficult because the animosity between Christians and Muslims has created a great divide between individuals that have lived together, despite their religious beliefs, for a long time.

Ethnic Violence

The CAR conflict, following the rise in religious violence, also led to a situation where ethnic violence also developed. The ethnic violence developed especially following the dissolution of the Seleka forces, with the latter breaking up into rival militia groups such as the FPRC and the UPC. The FPRC had the support of the Gula and Runga people, while the UPC was largely made up of the Fulani people (Dukhan, 2016). These two militia groups essentially sought to attain very tribal objectives, with the religious unity that had kept them together ending because of the belief that they were not seeking the same objectives. The FPRC and the UPC ended up in a situation where they attacked each other’s supporters in a bid to gain the upper hand in the conflict that has largely occupied the northern and western parts of the CAR (Arieff, 2014). Such incidents as house-to-house searches in a bid to find members of rival communities escalated to such an extent that a considerable number of civilians, perhaps in their hundreds, ended up getting killed (Weyns, Hoex, Hilgert, & Spittaels, 2014). The ethnic violence in the CAR can be considered one of the most devastating results of its political crisis because there has been no order or proper government authority to ensure that safety of civilians. In addition, because of the failure of peace deals as well as the lack of commitment to end the conflict effectively, the door of ethnic violence has been left wide open and criminal elements seem to have essentially attained free reign when it comes to the advancement of their own agendas. The levels of lootings, abductions, and killings seem to have risen to such proportions that the ethnic violence that took place was used as a cover for such crimes. Therefore, the example of the conflict between the FPRC and the UPC can be considered manifestations of the ethnic violence between the Gula and Runga, on one hand, and the Fulani on the other.

A Generally Hostile Environment

For the duration of the CAR conflict, and the manner through which it has deteriorated, the country has become one of the most dangerous places in the world. This is because the number of security incidents that have taken place have become even more than cases in other conflict zones in the world. Humanitarian aid workers in the country have become targets of criminal attacks by individuals who are not associated with any militia group (Welz, 2014). These individuals, who are essentially criminals, have ended up attacking the humanitarian aid workers despite the latter seeking to ensure that there is the delivery of aid to the people of the CAR. The considerable danger faced by humanitarian workers has led to a situation where humanitarian missions in the CAR are not as effective as they should be (Langenbach & Bach Baouab, 2015). In addition, a considerable number of healthcare facilities have either been damaged or destroyed, and this has made the humanitarian crisis in the country much worse because the individuals who require these facilities the most no longer have access. Furthermore, the conflict has led to a large number of jail breaks, especially inmates from both the Christian and Muslim militias, which has led to a situation where the security situation in the country has become critical (Dukhan, 2016). With few law courts functioning normally, with many of these being in the capital, criminal offenders are no longer being effectively prosecuted and punished and this may be a contributing factor to the hostile environment that has developed in the CAR since the inception of the conflict. An analysis of this situation could go a long way in not only getting an understanding of the CAR, but also of the manner through which conflict can negate the effectiveness of state institutions. The circumstances surrounding the CAR conflict have taken on numerous proportions because what started as an armed conflict aimed at achieving political representation very quickly adopted deeply religious, criminal, and ethnic dimensions.

Displacement

The CAR conflict has led to a situation where a considerable part of the population has become either internally displaced or has sought refuge in neighboring countries. This is an extremely serious situation because it has come to affect a significant part of the people who once lived in harmony with one another before the conflict began. One of the most significant victims of the conflict has been the Muslim population, which has essentially been driven out of the south and east of the country (Lombard & Batianga-Kinzi, 2014). In addition, the city of Bangui, which had a population of more than a hundred thousand Muslims has ended up having less than a thousand; a sign that the persecution of the Muslim population has been rampant. The conflict between the Seleka and the AntiBalaka seems to have fueled the massive population movement as those perceived to be supporters of rival groups ended up having to run for their lives (Dawson, 2014). While the exact number of those who have fled the conflict to other countries as well as those who have been internally displaced is not known, it is likely that the total number runs into the millions. Most of the displacement has been blamed on the AntiBalaka militia, which has had a massive hand in the atrocities that have been committed against the Muslim community in some parts of the country (Van Wyk, 2015). The disbandment of the Seleka essentially left the Muslims at a disadvantage because the AntiBalaka gained the upper hand in the conflict while the Seleka forces became embroiled in their own internal conflicts (Arieff, 2014). Therefore, a study of the displacement of some of the population of the CAR is important in better understanding a dimension of the conflict, especially in terms of the manner through which it has become a humanitarian catastrophe. It also shows the religious and ethnic perspectives concerning the conflict and how they evolved to their present state.

International Response

The international response to the CAR conflict has been varied with some countries becoming actively engaged while others were only observers. The varied response can be considered to have been based on the importance of the CAR to national interests because there were situations where some countries were deeply involved in the conflict through sending strong contingents of peacekeeping missions while others only condemned the violence and called for dialogue between the conflicting parties (Arieff, 2014). The countries that were thought to have had the most interest in ensuring that there was peace in the CAR, namely the United States and France, essentially declined to be involved in the conflict (Ewane, 2014). These countries had the power to ensure that the escalation of violence was stopped and that the rebels were forced to come to terms with the government. However, this turned out not to be the case because the United States and France concentrated their military presence in the CAR to the protection and evacuation of their citizens. The lack of action by these countries to ensure the de-escalation of the CAR conflict has in some cases been considered one of the most irresponsible actions by members of the international community, to such an extent that it has been compared to France’s inaction during that genocide in Rwanda (Iltis, 2014). Therefore, the analysis of the international response to the CAR crisis is critical to the further understanding of the course of the conflict because it will allow for the development of a perspective concerning how the crisis is likely to be resolved. In addition, it will be possible to develop an understanding of the reasons behind the limited response of the international community in the CAR crisis, because of the unexpected turn of events that took place since its beginning, morphing from a political conflict, that one that had ethnic and religious dimensions.

Australian National Identities

 

The Australian national identity in the contemporary world has come to be considered a matter of considerable debate. This is because there are varying opinions concerning what it means to be Australian. There is a diversity of opinions from international observers concerning what it means to be Australian and these opinions are often based on some aspect of Australian history. Australia is a nation that has been unique since it was founded and it has come to enjoy a status on the world stage that has essentially been based on its unique identity. Its alliance with the United States has made it one of the most important players in the East Asian region, and this is to such an extent that Australia has managed to essentially advance its influence over a region that that would otherwise have been beyond its reach. However, the development of a national identity has essentially come to depend on the manner through which individuals in the country view themselves. In this paper, there will be a discussion of how international observers view Australia, including its being essentially British, and its being a multicultural society. However, the paper will argue that Australia, rather than having any of the identities mentioned above, is actually quite laid back concerning its identity to such an extent that it is not such an important issue for a majority of its population.

One of the most significant opinions by international observers concerning Australia is that it is essentially British. This opinion is based on its colonial history, because Australia was for a long time a British colony. It was a colony that began as a place where criminals from Britain were taken and was essentially a prison colony. However, the resilience of its settlers ensured that Australia fast developed into a land of opportunity for many British settlers to such an extent that rather than being merely a colony, the quality of life for its people improved. Australia became a middle class nation that was in between the powerful motherland at the top, on one hand, and Third World countries at the bottom, on the other (Lake, 2013). A result of such a situation is that it led to the advancement of a situation where Australians came to be considered middle class British. Because it was a British colony, a majority of the population of the country used to be of British descent, and this has ended up creating an opinion among observers that Australians strongly identify with their British ancestry (Tranter & Donoghue, 2007). A consequence has been that at an international level, there are very few differing opinions concerning the British nature of Australians, and this is despite many Australians actually not feeling the same way. For international observers, Australia is an essentially British settlement because of its history and it is rarely the case that outsiders think otherwise.

One of the most significant connections to Britain that Australia had and continues to inform current opinion concerning its identity internationally is that it was a part of the British Empire. A result was that as an integral part of the empire, it did not have a separate identity, with many Australians considering themselves British. Australia participated in both World Wars on the side of the empire and this was essential because it showed a clear connection between it and Britain (Donoghue & Tranter, 2015). However, the situation in the contemporary world has changed because Australia is no longer a part of the British Empire. In fact, the British Empire can be considered to have come to an end following the end of the Second World War because it could no longer sustain the costs of maintaining such a far flung empire. The main connection that Australia has with Britain is that they share a monarch, with Queen Elizabeth II of Britain also being the head of state of Australia (Austin & Fozdar, 2016). This situation often leads to an international misconception that Australia is British, but this is not the case because Australia has become an independent state and has made its own decisions and ran its own affairs for many decades. That it has the same monarch as Britain is incidental because even though Queen Elizabeth is officially the head of state, she is represented by the Governor General, who is an Australian citizen. Therefore, Australian national identity, despite its close history with Britain, can no longer be defined as British because to do so would be to discount the considerable advancements that Australia has made since the end of the First World War.

Another opinion that has come to be made concerning Australian national identity is that it is a multicultural society. This is especially the case considering that Australia has come to include immigrants from other parts of the world. In addition, a situation has developed where there is growing recognition of the part that has been played by the Aboriginal peoples in the history of the country. This has been to such an extent that there is considerable support for the negative history concerning them to be made public. The Aborigines, who have lived in Australia for millennia before the advent of British colonialism and settlement, have undergone some of the most brutal treatments by latter settlers in the country (Neville, Oyama, Odunewu & Huggins, 2014). Therefore, by coming to terms with its history of negatively treating the Aborigines, Australia has come to terms with its unique identity to such an extent that it can be considered multicultural (Maddison, 2013). There is also the opinion that because there is increasing non-European settlement in the country, Australia, rather than being British, has become a truly multicultural society and this is to such an extent that it is approaching a situation where its multiculturalism is similar to such countries as the United States and Canada. However, despite this opinion, there are still questions concerning what Australian multicultural identity actually means.

For many international observers, Australia has adopted a multicultural identity because of the rapid increase of settlers from other cultures. Immigrants from other parts of the world, especially from Asia, have settled in Australia over the years and their numbers make up a significant part of the population of the country. These numbers have come to be used as a means of signifying the increasingly multicultural identity of Australia (Moran, 2017). This has been especially the case when considering that many individuals in the country do not often consider themselves to be different from one another and rather identify only as Australian. Australian multicultural identity can be considered a situation that has yet to be resolved because there is still considerable debate concerning what it really means to be Australian. This is especially the case when it comes to the opinions of international observers because they do not often have firsthand information concerning the real national identity in Australia.

One of the most significant aspects concerning Australians and their national identity is that it is one that it laid back. Most Australians do not consider their national identity on a day to day basis and are instead more concerned about living in the best way that they can. In addition, because of the relaxed nature of their national identity, Australians are not often tied down by issues concerning their identity to such an extent that they are not able to achieve a sense of peace. Instead, these people are able to advance their lives through focusing on everyday matters that are not involved with national identity (Dixson, 2015). Because of the relaxed way through which Australians view their national identity, this country has not been affected by the same negative attributes that have come to be associated with nation states. For some, there is the belief that excessive nationalism could lead to the development of instances such as those that affected Germany and Italy prior to the Second World War. In addition, despite sharing a monarch with Britain, most Australians do not consider themselves to be British. This is especially among the younger generations, who do not have a direct connection to Britain and consider it quite strange to have a foreign monarch. These individuals, because of a lack of direct connection to Britain, consider themselves Australian and do not attempt to attach any identities based on their origins within their definition of what it is to be Australian. This is not the case with members of the older generation, some of who consider Britain to be the mother-country and are extremely loyal to the British monarch as their own (Smith, 2017). For them, the connection to Britain is much stronger and this is because of the manner through which the latter country had an influence on their lives. A consequence is that while many of these individuals consider themselves to be British or of British descent, younger generations are not that particular about their origins; a sign of the relaxed nature of Australians concerning their identity.

Australia has become a multicultural state over the decades because of significant migration from people of other cultures. A result has been that rather than having a monolithic national identity, Australians have been able to accept the different cultures of its peoples and accommodate them into its historical narrative. Australia has ended up developing an extremely multicultural environment for its entire people and this has been to such an extent that this country has been able to overcome the divisions and negative effects that often come with excessive nationalism. In addition, Australian multiculturalism, which is considered an essential aspect of being Australian today, has developed in such a way that it is accommodative of all the people in the country without emphasizing their differences. Therefore, Australian national identity can be considered to have grown beyond emphasizing petty differences and has become more of a unifying factor for its people. Instead, Australian national identity is expressed in a diversity of ways and this is especially the case when it comes to sport. Australians tend to back their teams, especially in international competitions, with a passion and this creates a situation where they are unified in a common identity (Hallinan, 2015). It allows them to come together both in times of wins and losses, and helps them to achieve a level of identity that allows them to come to terms with what it really means to be Australian. Such unifying factors, rather than a clearly defined national identity, ensure that Australians are able to advance their sense of nationhood without undertaking controlled activities aimed at achieving the same results. Thus, an understanding of Australian national identity is one that seeks to advance the idea that they are actually quite relaxed about it and do not seek to emphasize its characteristics.

In conclusion, there are many opinions concerning Australian national identity from the perspective of international observers. One of the most important of these is that it involves a situation where Australians are essentially British and this is based on the belief that they identify as such because Australia was a British colony. Another opinion concerning Australian identity is that it is multicultural and this is because despite its British origins, the country has come to encounter other cultures because of immigration from other parts of the world. Thus, a multicultural society has come about that accommodates all the people within the country. While the above opinions might be partially true, one of the most significant aspects of Australian identity is that it is not rigidly defined and has instead come about because it is a means through which individuals are brought together in various occasions. The relaxed attitude that Australians have concerning their national identity is based on their unique history because while they are no longer a British colony, the British monarch is still the head of state. Moreover, its cultural diversity has prevented Australians from being held down by forces of nationalism that are often harmful. Therefore, Australian national identity is manifested in a diversity of ways including in sport, which brings the people of this country together in a manner that allows them to have a sense of unity.